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Pregunta 1
Pregunta
Stereotypes are:
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Underlying cognitive structures or schemas that shape our judgments of other people or groups
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Overt cognitive influences or schemas that circulate around society that underestimate the processes of others
Pregunta 2
Pregunta
Stereotypes ar judgements that are used to:
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Make quicker decisions
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Make slower, more methodical decisions
Pregunta 3
Pregunta
Can stereotypes be used to imply judgement?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 4
Pregunta
Katz and Brady (1933) measured the ethnic stereotypes held by a group of college undergraduates. It was replicated later by other researchers (Gilbert, 1951; Karlins, Coffman & Walters, 1969). What were they called?
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Princeton Trilogy Studies
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Penn State Trilogy Studies
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Connecticut Symposium
Pregunta 5
Pregunta
Was the Katz and Brady (1933) longitudinal?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 6
Pregunta
The stereotypes used by the college undergraduates in the Katz and Brady (1933) study were:
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Very, very broad (eg, including themselves in the stereotypes)
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Very, very narrow (eg, African-Americans)
Pregunta 7
Pregunta
Madon (et al., 2001) found the stereotypes used in the Katz and Brady (1933) study were:
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Racist
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Outdated
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Impossible to research into
Pregunta 8
Pregunta
Discursive research looks at how:
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Our use of language contributes to constructing prejudice
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Our use of cognition contributes to constructing prejudice
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The use of ourselves is contributable to constructing prejudice
Pregunta 9
Pregunta
Do the findings from the Karlins, Coffman and Walters (1969), as well as the Madon (et al., 2001) studies show that stereotypes are fluid - that they change over time?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 10
Pregunta
The changes in stereotypes relate to:
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Individual cognitions
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Ancestral stereotypes that are passed down
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Socio-political events (eg, World War II, Vietnam war, Afghan war)
Pregunta 11
Pregunta
Changes in stereotypes that are influenced by socio-political events are typically about:
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The majority group (eg, the government being oppressed by its people)
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The minority group (discriminated against for no reason)
Pregunta 12
Pregunta
Do stereotypes operate on an individual level?
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Yes, they are individual and independent cognitions
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No, they are linked to socio-political events and circulate around society
Pregunta 13
Pregunta
Do we need ideological analysis according to Billig (1985, 2002) to analyse how stereotypes are motivated?
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Yes, because without context there is little to use to find out causality
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No, we don't need it
Pregunta 14
Pregunta
There are normative ideas, constructions or content that are widespread in cultures (eg, Muslims in the United States) that are used to promote particular power structures. These are:
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Ideologies
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Constructions
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Representations
Pregunta 15
Pregunta
In 1881, the ideology of the Irish people by British was that:
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The Irish are backwards, uncivilised and dangerous who could harm the British empire
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The Irish are eccentric - though still a little backwards - but better than before, and we can reform relations with them again
Pregunta 16
Pregunta
In the present, the ideology of the Irish people by the British is that:
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They are backwards, uncivilised and dangerous, and can harm the British empire
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They are eccentric - although still a little backwards - and we can reform relations with them
Pregunta 17
Pregunta
Stereotype content research (Karlins, Coffman & Walters, 1969; Madon, et al., 2001) mentions broad features on context. But can stereotypes vary enormously between groups (eg, African Americans and Latin Americans)?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 18
Pregunta
What has more recent stereotype content focused on?
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Racism
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Gender stereotypes
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Genetics
Pregunta 19
Pregunta
Can the constructions of prejudice, including context, also vary depending on local interactional content (eg, stereotypes) according to Billig (1985, 2002)?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 20
Pregunta
Would stereotype content between two neighbours talking across a fence be different if one of the neighbour's granddaughters - who is anti-racism - was present?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 21
Pregunta
According to Billig (1985, 2002), does the construction of prejudice differ across the same person depending on the argumentative context of which they find themselves in? For example, talking to someone who shares (eg, a family member) the same views compared to someone who might not (eg, a stranger).
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 22
Pregunta
A survey respondent who holds prejudicial constructions:
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May need to defend their views
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May not need to defend their views because it might not be necessary
Pregunta 23
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Two neighbours may agree with each other, therefore:
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They would have to change their prejudicial constructions
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They would not need to change their prejudicial constructions, because there is no one to challenge them
Pregunta 24
Pregunta
Two neighbours may (or may not) need to defend their prejudiced talk if someone (eg, an anti-racist granddaughter).
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May need to because she is anti-racist
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May not need to, because the granddaughter might accept it as well
Pregunta 25
Pregunta
According to Billig (2002), is prejudice constructed as an individual cognitve event in the head?
Respuesta
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 26
Pregunta
"I'm not anti them at all you know. I, if they're willing to get on and be like us; but they're just going to come here, just to be able to use our social welfares and stuff like that, then why don't they stay at home?" (Potter & Wetherell, 1987). What does this talk use?
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A rationalisation
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An explanation
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A disclaimer
Pregunta 27
Pregunta
"I'm not a racist/sexist/homophobe, but" is ...
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A disclaimer
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An extinction
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A rationalisation
Pregunta 28
Pregunta
Billig (1985, 2002) has conducted a wealth of research into claims that are treated as obvious and universally acceptable. What are they called?
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Rhetorical commonplaces
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Representational commonplaces
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Indiscriminate commonplaces
Pregunta 29
Pregunta
An example of Billig's assertions of universally acceptable claims is politicians that say:
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"National interest"
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"National rhetoric"
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"National divide"
Pregunta 30
Pregunta
Billig (1991) noted an article by National Front that said: "Dare we say it - it is they, not we, who are prejudiced?". First, it tries to:
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Defend against accusations of prejudice
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Support accusations of prejudice
Pregunta 31
Pregunta
Billig (1991) noted an article by National Front that said: "Dare we say it - it is they, not we, who are prejudiced?". Second, it tries to:
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Accuse themselves of prejudice
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Accuse others of prejudice
Pregunta 32
Pregunta
Irish gay rights activist and drag queen Fanti was threatened with legal action in 2014 for calling anti-gay marriage activists "homophobic". What is this?
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An example of prejudiced constructions being defended by accusing others
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An example of prejudiced constructions being supported by accusing oneself
Pregunta 33
Pregunta
Has the discursive approach into stereotypes used enough interactional sequential context?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 34
Pregunta
Conversation analysis removes the interactional and sequential context in prejudice research and looks at standalone talk. According to Condor (et al., 2006), do we need sequential context?
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Yes, because we can then avoid making misplaced suppositions about what the prejudiced talk is actually being used to do
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No, because standalone talk is fine enough
Pregunta 35
Pregunta
In the Condor (et al., 2006), Mrs. A's right to carry on speaking on the topic is because:
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No one challenges her on her prejudicial talk
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She is still talking, so it's considered rude
Pregunta 36
Pregunta
How is the potential competitive or challenging talk from Mr. B welcomed by Mrs. A in the Condor (et al., 2006) study?
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Unwelcoming, a disturbance
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Welcomed, because it offers a debate
Pregunta 37
Pregunta
Is it easy or difficult to obtain authentic recorded examples of prejudice conversations in everyday talk?
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Easy, because it's all around us
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Hard, because there are ethical boundaries
Pregunta 38
Pregunta
We can only obtain:
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Nuanced and unexpected findings regarding prejudiced talk in interaction from everyday talk
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Research from interviews where everyday talk will have elements of prejudice
Pregunta 39
Pregunta
In the Condor (et al., 2006) study, is Cliff - the researcher - still part of the study? Do participants still respond to him and his actions (including silence) in the talk?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 40
Pregunta
Do we need more data of prejudiced talk in everyday interactions?
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Yes, so that participants talk like they would regardless of whether research is involved
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No, because inauthentic research can be just as productive
Pregunta 41
Pregunta
From a cognitive social psychology perspective, does discursive research sufficiently articulate the cognitive processes and causes relate to prejudice?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 42
Pregunta
The findings from the discursive approach inform what type of psychology about research into prejudice? For example, how prejudice talk treats itself as a potentially sanctionable activity, how prejudiced talk constructs versions of the denigrated other, and how prejudiced talk is produced collaboratively).
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Cognitive social psychology
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Cognitive behavioural psychology
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Biology
Pregunta 43
Pregunta
According to Billig (2002), is the hatred separate from the discourse?
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No, because you need to believe it and to utter sorts of particular things about others
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Yes, because they are separate
Pregunta 44
Pregunta
According to Allport (1954), intergroup conflict under the right conditions would:
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Heighten intergroup hostility and lead to more negative intergroup attitudes
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Lessen intergroup hostility and lead to more positive intergroup attitudes
Pregunta 45
Pregunta
Pettigrew and Troop (2006) in their meta-analysis found that intergroup contact generally:
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Reduces prejudice
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Heightens prejudice
Pregunta 46
Pregunta
Does the contact theory generalise characteristics of one group member to an entire population of the said group?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 47
Pregunta
Can the contact theory be extended broadly (eg, racial groups, ethnic groups)?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 48
Pregunta
Brown and Hewstone (2005) found intergroup contact to be the most successful when:
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Group memberships are explicit and well-known
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Group memberships are salient
Pregunta 49
Pregunta
Brown and Hewstone (2005) found that the potential for interpersonal relationships is high when:
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Group membership is salient
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Group membership is overt and well-known
Pregunta 50
Pregunta
According to Pettigrew and Troop (2006) can prejudice be reduced through vicarious experiences (eg, through friends and family) and no contact with outgroup members occurs?
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Yes
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No
Pregunta 51
Pregunta
Crisp and Turner (2009) found that "positively toned imagined contact"
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Deteriorated outgroup attitudes, increased stereotyping, intergroup anxiety, and was far too complex
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Improved outgroup attitudes, reduced stereotyping, as well as intergroup anxiety by being simple and effective
Pregunta 52
Pregunta
Are there demand characteristics in the Crisp and Turner (2009) research?
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Yes
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No, because it reduces implicit attitudes as well
Pregunta 53
Pregunta
Is there stereotype priming in the Crisp and Turner (2009) research?
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No
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Yes, but a control group were primed did not show similar effects
Pregunta 54
Pregunta
Can Fanti the gay rights activist live with Mary in Wicklow?
Respuesta
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Yes
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No
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