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Creado por Em Maskrey
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| Pregunta | Respuesta |
| In 1983, how many corporations controlled the vast majority of all news media in America? | 50. |
| However, by 1992, what had this number fallen to? | 22 companies owned and operated the vast majority of the mass media. |
| In 2014, how many corporations had media ownership? | 6. |
| According to Ben Bagdikian, how many owners would there be if America's media outlets were owned by separate individuals? | 25,000 owners. |
| Which sociologist claims that there has been a similar concentration of ownership in the British newspaper industry since the early 20th century? | James Curran |
| In 1937, four men owned nearly half of the national and local daily newspapers sold in the UK. How were these men known? | As the 'press barons'. |
| In 2015, how many individuals dominate the ownership and content of UK national daily and Sunday newspapers? | 7. |
| How many national newspaper groups are controlled by companies, rather than individuals? | Only two (the Trinity Mirror and the Guardian Media Group). |
| There's also evidence of concentration of ownership in British commercial and satellite television. The content of commercial television is predominantly controlled by which company? | ITV plc. |
| Likewise, access to satellite, cable and digital television is generally controlled by which three companies? | 1. Sky plc. 2. Virgin Media. 3. BT Total Broadband. |
| Concentration of media ownership is strengthened by a number of factors. Give examples: | - Horizontal integration. - Vertical integration. - Lateral expansion. - Global conglomeration. - Synergy. - Technological convergence. |
| What is meant by 'horizontal integration'? | The term is used to reference the fact that the bigger media companies often own a variety of different forms of media outlets. (e.g. News Corp owns newspapers in the UK and Australia, owns publisher HarperCollins, has a large share of Sky, and has interests in Fox TV and 20th Century Fox film studios). |
| What is meant by 'vertical integration'? | The term refers to the increasing trend of media multinational controlling all levels of media production, thus ensuring greater economic control over their operating environment. (e.g. Times Warner makes its own films and distributes them to its own cinema complexes). |
| What is meant by 'lateral expansion'? | The term refers to the act of media companies expanding into new business areas in order to spread economic risk. (e.g. the Virgin group has major media interests in music, publishing, film production and cinemas, in addition to running airline, train and health services). |
| What is meant by 'global conglomeration'? | The downfall of traditional national boundaries and the globalisation of economics and culture has assisted the concentration of media ownership by launching new international markets. (e.g. News Corp owns hundreds of different types of media companies across Europe, North America and Asia). |
| What is meant by 'synergy'? | The term refers to the process of packaging the same product in several different ways, thus increasing profit. (e.g. a film will often be accompanied by a soundtrack, a computer game, toys, and so on). |
| Finally, what is meant by 'technological convergence'? | This refers to the act of putting many technologies into one media delivery system. Transnational companies are increasingly exploring ways in which they can increase technological convergence, thus making their product more accessible to a global audience. This in turn increases concentration of ownership. |
| Which sociologist argues that it is important to study media ownership and control? | Gillian Doyle. |
| Gillian Doyle suggests that the study of media ownership is necessary because it is important for societies to have a diverse and pluralistic media provision so that all points of view can be heard. Where concentration of ownership occurs, what is there a risk of? | Abuse of power and influence by the elite may go unnoticed, thus impacting democracy and justice. |
| What are the three theories of media ownership and control provided in this chapter? | 1. The pluralist theory. 2. The marxist theory. 3. The postmodern theory. |
| From a pluralist perspective, modern capitalist societies are democratic. Why do pluralists consider the mass media essential and impartial facilitators of democracy? | Because people obtain their political knowledge from newspapers, television and the internet. |
| The pluralist theory on media ownership can be broken into five branches. What are they? | 1. The economics of media ownership. 2. The media as a democratic mirror. 3. Public service broadcasting. 4. State controls. 5. Media professionalism. |
| Firstly, pluralist argue that the 'economics of media ownership' will always prevent owners from abusing their positions of power. Why? | Because in free-market economies, media owners compete to attract consumers. Owners do not want to alienate consumers and therefore do not misuse their power by, for example, imposing their political will on audiences. Therefore, it is the consumers who are the true power-holders - they exercise consumer sovereignty. |
| Even if owners did impose their political will on audiences, pluralists argue that the 'segmented nature' of the global media marketplace prevents them from having much impact. What do they mean by 'segmented', and what result does this segmentation have? | Mass media corporations produce a wide variety of media products aimed at different markets (e.g. the mobile phone market is extremely different to the pop music market). This diversity counters any attempt to influence a mass audience. |
| What is the true rationale for the concentration of ownership and control, according to pluralists? | They believe the rationale is essentially economic - media products are expensive to produce and the concentration of ownership is simply an attempt to reduce costs and increase profits. |
| Secondly, pluralists regard the media as a 'democratic mirror'. What do they mean by this? | The diverse range of media products allows all points of view to be expressed. |
| If certain viewpoints receive more screen-time than others, why is this the case, according to pluralists? | They do not regard this as biased and unfair, instead believing that this is a reflection of what the audience wishes to see. |
| Thirdly, pluralists argue that a significant proportion of the media market in the UK is taken up by public service broadcasters (PSBs). What is the most famous PSB? | The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). |
| Created in 1926 by a Royal Charter, what is the BBC legally obliged to provide? | They are required to inform, educate and entertain the full audience spectrum. |
| Pluralists see PSBs as the epitome of impartial media and a counterweight to any potential bias that may occur within the private sector. However, why do many commentators believe that the BBC is abandoning its PSB aims? | The BBC is losing its audience to commercial and satellite television, and as a result have become more populist to win back its audience. |
| How do pluralists respond to this criticism? | They argue that this isn't necessarily a problem. BBC and other PSBs are being forced to offer more choice to audiences in order to compete with the likes of Sky, Virgin, etc., thus benefiting consumers. |
| The fourth strand of the pluralist argument is that state controls restrict the power of media owners. How do they do so? | In many societies, including America, governments do not allow owners to hold too many media outlets in order to reduce the possibility of abuse of power. |
| In the UK, an additional state constraint takes the form of legal requirements placed upon both the BBC and ITV. Who enforced these requirements? | The Office for Communnications (Ofcom). |
| When was Ofcom established, and for what purpose? | Established in 2003, their role is to monitor the content and quality of TV and radio output on both PSB and commercial channels, and to investigate any audience complaints. |
| The fifth and final branch of the pluralist view is that media professionalism prevents any misuse of power by media owners. What do they mean by this? | They emphasise the professionalism of journalists, editors, etc., arguing that these people would never allow owners to compromise their independence and integrity. |
| They point out that the media have a strong tradition of investigative journalism, which often targets those in power. Give examples of such instances: | There was the famous Watergate in the USA which led to President Nixon's resignation. In the UK, we have had the phone hacking scandal, which is related to the Stephen Lawrence, Milly Dowler and Daniel Morgan murders. |
| Despite presenting some interesting ideas, the pluralist view of the media has been criticised by many people. How does James Curran respond to the pluralist view that media owners are unable to abuse their power? | Contrary to the pluralist view, there is plenty of evidence that media owners have subtly undermined newspaper independence by selecting editors and journalists who are willing to do their bidding, and firing those who are not. |
| Pluralists have also been criticised for overstating the impartiality of journalists. Which sociologists argue that journalists are too reliant upon official sources for information, which undermines journalistic objectivity? | Jay Blumler and Michael Gurevitch. |
| It can also be argued that journalists' reports are one-sided, rather than balanced, due to the journalists forming opinions and 'taking sides'. What did Paul Trowler find? | During the invasion of Iraq, 500 journalists were embedded with British and American troops, which impeded their ability to be impartial. |
| Why are feminists critical of the pluralist perspective? | They believe that pluralists fail to acknowledge that media content is extremely male-orientated - females are often sexually objectified and presented as stereotypical 'female', with alternative representations being very rare. |
| Finally, it has been argued that it is difficult for ordinary people to decide what they want to see or hear if the media provides their only source of information. Why? | Powerless groups do not have the resources to establish media companies to communicate their viewpoints. Consumers thus do not have access to every opinion, meaning they cannot make genuine choices. |
| The second theory of media ownership and control is provided by Marxists. What do Marxists think of the UK's capitalist economic system? | They believe it is extremely unfair because it typically benefits the wealthy minority at the expense of the majority and, in particular, the working class. |
| Marxists believe that inequalities in wealth and income are the direct result of the way in which capitalism is organised. What tool do capitalists use to ensure capitalism is accepted, according to marxists? | Ideology. |
| How do they disseminate their ideology? | In order to spread to ideology as widely as possibly, the ruling class dominate institutions such as education, religion and the mass media and use these agencies to transmit their ruling-class ideology. |
| What type of consciousness does ruling-class ideology bring about? | A false consciousness (those who fail to benefit from capitalism that it is their own fault for not working hard enough). This prevents the working class from seeing the true cause of their inequality - capitalism. |
| The marxist theory can be broken into two categories. What are they? | 1. The marxist instrumentalist theory. 2. The hegemonic marxist theory. |
| Ralph Miliband takes a marxist instrumentalist approach to the ownership an control of media. How does he regard the mass media? | As an ideological instrument playing a key role in the reproduction and justification of class inequality by transmitting a conservative and conformist ideology in the form of 'factual' news and entertainment. |
| Miliband argues that media owners and output shape and manipulate the way in which we think about the world we live in. How does the media portray wealth? | It rarely explains why people live in poverty, and when it does, it implies that they are to blame for their situation. Conversely, it portrays the wealthy in a positive light, presenting them as people who have worked hard and earned their money. |
| Marxist instrumentalists state that media representations of ethnic minorities typically portray them as criminals, migrants and extremists. Why do they do this, according to Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack? | Castles and Kosack argue that white working-class people regarding ethnic minorities as a threat benefits capitalism because it divides the working class and prevents a proletariat revolution. |
| Marxist instrumentalists argue that the mass media ensures that members of society are exposed to a narrow range of 'approved' views. What happens to alternative points of view? | They are dismissed as extremist. |
| According to the marxist instrumentalist theory, media owners play a major role in helping to control the working class through a 'bread and circuses' approach. What is meant by this? | The term is used to refer to superficial entertainments used to satisfy audiences so that they are distracted from real issues. For example, the popularity of reality TV shows may mean that fewer people are spending time watching documentaries about inequality. |
| Why are media owners happy to transmit ruling-class ideology through their media outlets? | Because media owners are part of the ruling class and therefore have personal interest in the ideology being protected and reinforced. |
| Which two sociologists argue that governments do not control the activities of media owners because the interests of the two groups often overlap? | Jeremy Tunstall and Michael Palmer. |
| Tunstall and Palmer suggest that 'regulatory favours' are now common between governments and media owners. What are regulatory favours? | Media owners will use their outlets to express direct support for a government, neglecting to criticise their policy or even withholding information from their audiences in exchange for governments 'failing' to enforce media regulations, or even abolishing such regulations altogether. |
| What is the problem with the theory about regulatory favours? | It assumes that media owners, the wealthy and the political elite and united in some sort of ideological conspiracy. While evidence supporting this can be found in other countries (e.g. Berlusconi's Italy), there is little evidence of it occurring in the UK. |
| Instrumental marxists also fail to explain how an owner's media manipulation works in practice. How can their evidence be described? | Evidence is typically anecdotal, rather than based on empirical research. |
| Instrumental marxists fail to acknowledge any form of inequality other than class inequality. How can they therefore be described? | As 'economic reductionists'. |
| Additionally, marxist instrumentalists can be criticised for accusing journalists and editors of having lost their integrity. What evidence contradicts their claims? | Many journalists and editors still regard themselves as the guardians of public interest, dedicating their careers to exposing the corrupt. |
| Additionally, what has allowed ordinary people to subject the ruling-class and political elite to more scrutiny, thus reducing the possibility of misuse of power by media owners? | New media, particularly social networking sites such as Twitter and Facebook, which make 'citizen journalism' possible. |
| Curran's analysis of media ownership partially supports the instrumental marxist theory - he found evidence indicating that press barons did previously abuse their power. However, what does Curran argue regarding abuse of power today? | It is far less common today because owners today are primarily concerned with profit, rather than ideology. Marxist instrumentalists fail to acknowledge this. |
| Nonetheless, Curran suggests that there is sufficient evidence that the actions of media owners produce content that, in the long term, benefits capitalism. As such, Curran's analysis is less like the Marxist instrumentalist theory and more like what? | The hegemonic Marxist theory. |
| Which group illustrates the hegemonic Marxist theory? | The Glasgow University Media Group (GUMG) |
| The GUMG argue that media content does support the interests of the ruling-class, but that this hegemony is most likely an accidental by-product of what? | The social backgrounds of journalists and broadcasters, who are typically white, middle-class males. |
| According to the Sutton Trust, how many of the top 100 journalists in the UK attended independent private schools, which educate a mere 7% of all UK pupils? | Over 50%. |
| What important question do Sutton Trust ask, following this finding? | Is it healthy that those who are most influential in determining and interpreting the news agenda have social and educational backgrounds that are so different from the vast majority of the population? |
| According to the GUMG, these journalists and broadcasters tend to believe in what sort of ideas? | Consensus ideas, which are typically unthreatening and appeal to the majority of the audience. |
| Such journalists and broadcasters often see anyone who believes in ideas outside of this consensus as 'extremist'. These individuals are rarely allowed to contribute to media outlets. When they are allowed, how do journalists respond? | They ridicule and mock the 'extremist'. |
| However, rather than a desire to transmit capitalist ideology, why does this journalistic desire to not 'rock the boat' exist, according to the GUMG? | It stems from a desire to maximise profit. |
| How does adopting a consensus view of the world help maximise profit? | Adopting a consensus view is the best way to attract the majority of the population. Having large audiences will attract advertisers, who will fund media outlets further. |
| Conversely, broadcasting 'offensive' content will alienate audience, which will result in a loss of profits, and journalists therefore 'play safe' with content. What is the result of this journalistic consensus, according to the GUMG? | 'Agenda setting' - media professionals, rather than society, are deciding which issues should be discussed, and which should be avoided. |
| When agenda setting, the media present a fairly narrow agenda for discussion. The GUMG argue that this narrow agenda fails to provide audiences with important information that would assist them in making informed choices about the running of society. What does this result in? | 'Cultural hegemony', with the basic principles of capitalism being portrayed as 'normal' and 'natural'. |
| Owen Jones agrees with the hegemonic marxist perspective. What does he believe media owners and their staff are a part of? | The 'Establishment' - an alliance of unaccountable powerful groups bound together by common economic interests and a shared set of mentalities. |
| Jones says that it should be the media's job to scrutinise the activities of the Establishment. Why do they not do this, however? | Media owners share the same underlying mantras as the Establishment. As a result, journalists ignore the corruption of the Establishment and instead vilify the poor, the unemployed, and the foreign. |
| The hegemonic marxist theory has been criticised for focusing exclusively on media professionals. What does this tunnel vision imply? | That media owners have little to no influence on media production, which is very unlikely. |
| Some critics have noted that the hegemonic marxist focus on agenda-setting is very similar to which marxist instrumentalist theory? | The theory of media manipulation, as put forward by Ralph Miliband. |
| What criticism do feminists make of the hegemonic marxist theory? | Feminists argue that, like marxist instrumentalists, hegemonic marxists fail to acknowledge the lack of women in the industry. They add that the true consequence of agenda setting is gender inequality (as opposed to class inequality). |
| Finally, some critics argue that we now have the power to counter the influence of the establishment-orientated media. How? | Through new media and citizen journalism, which hegemonic marxists fail to acknowledge. |
| The third and final theory of media ownership and control is provided by postmodernists. Claudio Strinati argues that countries, including our own, have been transformed in the past three decades. How? | Previously, these countries contained industrial modern societies with manufacturing economies. Now, they contain postmodern and post-industrial societies with service economies. |
| According to postmodernists, postmodern society has three characteristics that have an impact on the ownership and control debate. What are they? | 1. Postmodern society is media-saturated. 2. Postmodern society is underpinned by globalisation. 3. In postmodern society, people no longer believe in an 'absolute truth'. |
| Firstly, postmodernists argue that postmodern society is media-saturated. Which sociologist points this out? | Paul Trowler - he stated that rather than being one aspect among many, the media is now the defining aspect of postmodern society. |
| Secondly, postmodernists argue that postmodern societies are built upon globalisation. How does this apply to the debate about media ownership? | Media transnationals have used communications technology to break down national boundaries and increase audiences and profits. This also increases consumer choice. |
| Thirdly, postmodernists argue that postmodern citizens have become skeptical or even cynical about the power of science, politics and the media to change the world. What is the result of this? | Truth is now regarded as both unattainable and irrelevant. In postmodern society, everything contains an element of truth. |
| Another postmodernist who comments on this debate is Jean Baudrillard, who argues audiences are now submerged in information. What is the impact of this? | Audiences now find it difficult to distinguish between real life and media version of reality. |
| How does Baudrillard refer to the media version of reality? | As a 'hyperreality'. |
| What has this hyperreality undermined? | Truth and objectivity - individuals now interpret media content in a number of different ways. |
| Due to their multiple meanings, what can media messages be referred to as? | 'Polysemic' or ambiguous. |
| Why have media messages become polysemic, according to postmodernists? | Because the distinction between media producers and media consumers has become less distinct. |
| Which sociologist notes that members of society now have more choice in their access to greater media diversity, which makes it easier for them to reject or challenge the metanarratives proposed by the ruling-class? | Tony Levene. |
| As a result of the characteristics identified by postmodernists, what can sociologists arguably no longer claim? | They can no longer claim that owners, editors and journalists influence audiences by circulating a particular perspective. |
| However, postmodernist theories of media ownership have received criticism. Why have their methodologies been criticised? | Critics accuse them of providing a vague, impressionistic and frequently anecdotal arguments, rather than giving research-based evidence. |
| Postmodernists have also been accused of exaggerating the impact of what? | The impact of the 'information explosion' on ordinary people's ability to cause change. Evidence shows that media saturation has actually produced passive participation in a mass culture in which more choice simply means more of the same. |
| Finally, critics argue that postmodernist fail to acknowledge the overwhelming evidence for the existence of what? | Structural inequalities in wealth and power relations that make it difficult for powerless groups to bring about any meaningful change to their lives, regardless of their media access. |
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