Topic: Long Paired Passage
PASSAGE 1 -
1 In 1912, Theodore Roosevelt, campaigning for pres-
2 ident on the Progressive Party ticket, endorsed
3 compulsory health insurance as part of his platform.
4 The same year, an organization of progressive econo-
5 mists started a crusade to make health insurance
6 mandatory for workers who earned less than $1,200 a
7 year (about $25,000 today). The cost of the premiums
8 would be shared by employer and employee (two-fifths
9 each) and the state. Compulsory health insurance,
10 proponents argued, would eliminate sickness as a
11 cause of poverty.
12 For a few years, it looked as though health-insurance
13 legislation in the U.S. was inevitable, and advanta-
14 geous for workers and doctors. With access to prompt
15 medical care, laborers would be able to return to their
16 jobs more quickly, keeping their families fed. And
17 doctors would prosper if a growing number of patients
18 could pay their fees. More than a dozen state legisla-
19 tures began considering compulsory health insurance
20 based on a model bill drafted by a labor group.
21 But the "professional philanthropists, busybody social
22 workers, misguided clergymen and hysterical women,"
23 as an opponent described them, hadn't reckoned on a
24 mighty resistance movement of some the unlikeliest
25 political bedfellows in history. They included commer-
26 cial insurance companies; fraternal organizations;
27 pharmacists; manufacturers; Samuel Gompers, then
28 president of the American Federation of Labor, and
29 some other labor unions; Christian Scientists; assort-
30 ed xenophobes and anti-Communists; and -- the coup
31 de grace -- doctors.
32 Although united in their goal to defeat mandatory insur-
33 ance, the challengers had wildly different motives.
34 Commercial insurance companies and fraternal or-
35 ganizations sold sickness and burial policies and
36 feared losing business. Pharmacists suspected the
37 government would start telling patients what medi-
38 cines to take and how much they should cost. Samuel
39 Gompers argued that the solution to the problem of ill-
40 ness was not compulsory insurance but higher wages.
41 Management didn't want to pay for another benefit,
42 especially if, as a representative of an industry trade
43 group argued, "the sickness had been contracted
44 either through intemperate or licentious living."
45 America's entry into World War I in 1917 provided an-
46 other knock against health insurance: It was unAmeri-
47 can. As California prepared for a referendum on the
48 issue, commercial insurers published pamphlets
49 picturing Kaiser Wilhelm II with the caption, "Made in
50 Germany. Do you want it in California?" (Voters re-
51 jected the measure.) In Albany, an insurance bill under
52 consideration by the state Legislature came "straight
53 from Germany" and was "devilish in principle and
54 foreign to American ideals," argued Henry W. Berg, a
55 New York doctor. It never got out of committee.
56 The AALL also neglected to woo physicians, often ig-
57 noring their opinions when negotiating the legislation
58 Most doctors became convinced that health insurance
59 would insert the dubious judgment of the government
60 between patient and doctor, and cut their pay. Charles
61 H. Mayo, president of the American Medical Associa-
62 tion, urged physicians to be wary of "anything which
63 reduced the income of the physician" because that
64 would "limit his training, equipment and efficiency."
65 In the end, not a single state passed a health insur-
66 ance law. Henry Seager, one-time head of the AALL
67 and a Columbia University professor, said, "We are
68 still so far from considering illness as anything beyond
69 a private misfortune against which each individual and
70 each family should protect itself, as best it may, that
71 Germany's heroic method of attacking it as a national
72 evil through government machinery seems to us to
73 belong almost to another planet."
PASSAGE 2 -
74 Politicians and pundits lump the terms "health care"
75 and "health insurance" together as though they are the
76 same thing. For example, Sen. Max Baucus, Montana
77 Democrat, recently said, "One in 6 Americans does not
78 have access to health care. And in my home state of
79 Montana, an even greater percentage of people have
80 limited access to health care: 1 in 5 Montanans lack
81 health insurance."
82 In reality, however, health care and health insurance
83 are quite different. Health care is the products and ser-
84 vices used for the prevention, treatment and manage-
85 ment of illness. Health insurance, on the other hand, is
86 a way of paying for health care. Specifically, it is an
87 agreement whereby the insurer pays for the health
88 care costs of the insured.
89 Believing health care and health insurance are the
90 same thing easily leads to some mistaken, if not
91 dangerous, notions. It leads to the beliefs that (1) uni-
92 versal health care and universal health insurance are
93 the same; and (2) that if a nation has universal health
94 insurance, where the government pays for every citi-
95 zen's health care, that nation will have universal health
96 care, where citizens will have ready access to health
97 care whenever they need it. As the experience of other
98 nations shows, however, universal health insurance
99 often leads to very restricted access to health care.
100 In nations where the government provides universal
101 health insurance -- such as Canada, Sweden and the
102 United Kingdom -- there are few restraints on citizens'
103 demand for health care. This leads to many citizens
104 overusing health care and creates a strain on govern-
105 ment budgets. To keep the costs from exploding, those
106 governments must restrict access to health care by
107 using waiting lists, canceling surgeries or delaying
108 access to new treatments such as prescription drugs.
109 The consequences can be quite harmful.
110 In 1997, three patients in Northern Ontario, Canada,
111 died while on a waiting list to receive heart surgery.
112 One patient had been waiting more than six months to
113 receive bypass surgery. In Britain, patient Mavis Skeet's
114 cancer surgery was canceled four times, during which
115 time her cancer became inoperable. It is important to
116 note, however, that all these people had health insur-
117 ance -- that is, their governments would pay for their
118 health care. What they did not have was ready access
119 to treatment. As the Canadian Supreme Court said
120 upon ruling a ban on private health care as unconstitu-
121 tional, "access to a waiting list is not access to health care."
Question: The "proponents" (line 10) of compulsory health insurance in Passage 1 argue that:
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