8650487
Descrição
Mapa Mental por Codi Wormald, atualizado more than 1 year ago
Mais
|
Criado por um usuário excluído
quase 8 anos atrás
|
|
|
Copiado por Codi Wormald
mais de 7 anos atrás
|
|
AQA A-Level Sociology: Gender Differences in Education - Identity, Class & Girls' Achievement
- There are social class differences in girls' achievement.
- For example, in 2013, only 40.6% of girls
eligible for free school meals achieved five
A*-C GCSEs, whereas 67.5% of those not on
free school meals did so.
- For example, in 2013, only 40.6% of girls
eligible for free school meals achieved five
A*-C GCSEs, whereas 67.5% of those not on
free school meals did so.
- SYMBOLIC CAPITAL
- According to feminists such as Louise
Archer et al (2010), one reason for the
class differences in girls' achievement
is the conflict between working-class
girls' feminine identities and the
values of the school.
- Archer did a study of
working-class girls and used the
concept of 'symbolic capital' to
understand this conflict.
- Symbolic capital refers
to the status,
recognition and sense of
worth that we are able
to obtain from others.
- She found that by
performing their
working-class feminine
identities, the girls
gained symbolic capital
from their peers.
- However, this brought them into
conflict with school, preventing them
from acquiring education capital
(qualifications) and economic capital
(middle-class careers).
- Archer identifies several
strategies that the girls
followed for creating a valued
sense of self. These included
adopting a hyper-heterosexual
feminine identity, having a
boyfriend and being 'loud'.
- Archer identifies several
strategies that the girls
followed for creating a valued
sense of self. These included
adopting a hyper-heterosexual
feminine identity, having a
boyfriend and being 'loud'.
- However, this brought them into
conflict with school, preventing them
from acquiring education capital
(qualifications) and economic capital
(middle-class careers).
- Symbolic capital refers
to the status,
recognition and sense of
worth that we are able
to obtain from others.
- Archer did a study of
working-class girls and used the
concept of 'symbolic capital' to
understand this conflict.
- Hyper-heterosexual feminine
identities
- Many of the girls in Archer's study
invested considerable time, effort and
money into constructing the 'desirable',
'glamorous' hyper-heterosexual, feminine
identities.
- One girl spent all her babysitting wages
on her appearance.
- This involved constructing
identities that combined
black urban American
styles with 'sexy' clothes,
make-up and hairstyles.
- One girl spent all her babysitting wages
on her appearance.
- The girls' performance
of this feminine
identity brought status
from their female peer
group and avoided
them being ridiculed.
- However, it also brought them into
conflict with the school as they were
often punished for having the wrong
appearance; such as wearing too
much jewellery or make-up.
- Teachers saw the girls'
preoccupation with appearance
as a distraction that prevented
them engaging with education
- This led to the school
defining the girls as 'not
one of us', incapable of
educational success and
thus less worthy of
respect.
- Bourdieu describes this process as
'symbolic violence' - the harm done
by denying someone symbolic
capital, such as defining their culture
as worthless.
- Archer states that the school's ideal
pupil identity is a de-sexualised,
middle-class one that excludes many
working-class girls.
- Archer states that the school's ideal
pupil identity is a de-sexualised,
middle-class one that excludes many
working-class girls.
- Bourdieu describes this process as
'symbolic violence' - the harm done
by denying someone symbolic
capital, such as defining their culture
as worthless.
- This led to the school
defining the girls as 'not
one of us', incapable of
educational success and
thus less worthy of
respect.
- Teachers saw the girls'
preoccupation with appearance
as a distraction that prevented
them engaging with education
- However, it also brought them into
conflict with the school as they were
often punished for having the wrong
appearance; such as wearing too
much jewellery or make-up.
- Many of the girls in Archer's study
invested considerable time, effort and
money into constructing the 'desirable',
'glamorous' hyper-heterosexual, feminine
identities.
- Boyfriends
- While having a boyfriend brought
symbolic capital, it got in the way of
schoolwork and lowered girls'
aspirations.
- Instead the girls' aspired to
'settle down', have children
and work locally in
working-class feminine jobs
such as childcare.
- Instead the girls' aspired to
'settle down', have children
and work locally in
working-class feminine jobs
such as childcare.
- While having a boyfriend brought
symbolic capital, it got in the way of
schoolwork and lowered girls'
aspirations.
- Being 'loud'
- Some working-class girls adopted 'loud'
feminine identities that often led them to be
outspoken, independent and assertive, for
example, questioning teacher's authority.
- This failed to conform to the school's
stereotype of the ideal female pupil
identity as passive and submissive
to authority, and brought conflict
with teachers, who interpreted their
behaviour as aggressive rather than
assertive.
- This failed to conform to the school's
stereotype of the ideal female pupil
identity as passive and submissive
to authority, and brought conflict
with teachers, who interpreted their
behaviour as aggressive rather than
assertive.
- Some working-class girls adopted 'loud'
feminine identities that often led them to be
outspoken, independent and assertive, for
example, questioning teacher's authority.
- According to feminists such as Louise
Archer et al (2010), one reason for the
class differences in girls' achievement
is the conflict between working-class
girls' feminine identities and the
values of the school.
- WORKING-CLASS GIRLS' DILEMMA
- Working-class girls are faced with a dilemma.
- Either gaining symbolic
capital from their peers by
conforming to a
hyper-heterosexual feminine
identity
- Or gaining educational capital by
rejecting their working-class
identity and conforming to the
school's middle-class notions of a
respectable, ideal female pupil.
- Some girls tried to cope with
this dilemma by defining
themselves as 'good underneath',
despite the teachers' negative
views of them.
- This 'good underneath' self-image reflects
the girls' struggle to achieve a sense of
self-worth within an education system that
devalues their working-class female
identities.
- Thus, Archer argues that
working-class feminine
identities and educational
success conflict with one
another.
- Working-class girls' investments in
their feminine identities are a major
cause of their underachievement.
- Working-class girls' investments in
their feminine identities are a major
cause of their underachievement.
- Thus, Archer argues that
working-class feminine
identities and educational
success conflict with one
another.
- This 'good underneath' self-image reflects
the girls' struggle to achieve a sense of
self-worth within an education system that
devalues their working-class female
identities.
- Either gaining symbolic
capital from their peers by
conforming to a
hyper-heterosexual feminine
identity
- Working-class girls are faced with a dilemma.
- 'SUCCESSFUL' WORKING-CLASS GIRLS
- Although working-class girls in
general are likely to underachieve,
some do succeed and go on to
higher education.
- However, even they may be
disadvantaged by their gender
and class identities.
- Sarah Evans (2009)
did a study of 21
working-class sixth
form girls in a
south London
comprehensive
school.
- She found that girls
wanted to go to
university to increase
their earning power.
Nevertheless, this was
not for themselves, but
to help their families.
- Skeggs (1997) notes that
'caring' is a crucial part of
the girls' working-class
feminine identities, and
the girls in Evans' study
wished to remain at home
and to contribute to their
families.
- Skeggs (1997) notes that
'caring' is a crucial part of
the girls' working-class
feminine identities, and
the girls in Evans' study
wished to remain at home
and to contribute to their
families.
- She found that girls
wanted to go to
university to increase
their earning power.
Nevertheless, this was
not for themselves, but
to help their families.
- Sarah Evans (2009)
did a study of 21
working-class sixth
form girls in a
south London
comprehensive
school.
- However, even they may be
disadvantaged by their gender
and class identities.
- Cost and fear of getting into debt are
major issues for many working-class
students in deciding which university
to apply to.
- However, while living at home
made higher education more
affordable, it also limited their
choice of university and the
market value of their degree.
- Living at home was not just an
economic necessity; it was also a
positive choice and an aspect of
their working-class identities.
- Louise Archer (2010) showed
that a preference for locality is a
key feature of working-class
habitus. The girls showed a
strong preference for the local
and familiar over the distant.
- Louise Archer (2010) showed
that a preference for locality is a
key feature of working-class
habitus. The girls showed a
strong preference for the local
and familiar over the distant.
- Living at home was not just an
economic necessity; it was also a
positive choice and an aspect of
their working-class identities.
- However, while living at home
made higher education more
affordable, it also limited their
choice of university and the
market value of their degree.
- Although working-class girls in
general are likely to underachieve,
some do succeed and go on to
higher education.
Quer criar seus próprios Mapas Mentais gratuitos com a GoConqr? Saiba mais.