Geography Unit 1, Going Global Case Study 5 - The strange allure of the slums

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Mostly this is actually part of an article done in The Economist in 2007. So be aware, if you use it in the exam, you should probably say what year the data is from. I added in the mention about Slum Dog Millionaire, as that hadn't come out in 2007 but WAS filmed there, and I added the bit about slum improvements and the urbanisation types at the end. The bit about slum improvements was sourced from the University of Derby.
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May 3rd 2007 - The EconomistNo continent is urbanising faster than Africa. Why? One answer is partly statistical: Africa has been the slowest to get started. Another is that parts of Africa, such as the Sahel, have been affected recently by severe climate change, making marginal land unfarmable. And in countries like Angola and Congo years of fighting have propelled millions to the cities. But a fuller explanation is needed. A look at Nairobi, the capital of Kenya in east Africa, provides some answers, and throws up more questions.For many years the biggest city in east Africa, where human life seems to have begun, was not a bad advertisement for the urban condition. As the capital of Kenya, Nairobi had the subdued bustle of an administrative centre, some industry, hotels for tourists on their way to or from wildlife safaris, lots of greenery and even a small forest. The population in 1960 was about 250 000. Today the forest remains, but, with 3 million people, Nairobi has lost much of its charm. The traffic is awful, as is the crime, and the superlatives are usually reserved for Kibera, which is supposedly Africa's largest, densest and poorest slum.It probably is not. Slums in Sub-Saharan Africa are growing at an annual rate of 4.53%, and 70% of the total urban population live in slums. Luanda, Kinshasa, and Lagos, the world's fastest-growing megacity, may all have slums to match Kibera, who's population is anything from 600 000 to 1.2 million, depending on both the estimator and the time of year, many of its inhabitants being seasonal migrants. What makes Kibera unusual is, first, that its 256 hectares (630 acres) sit right in the middle of Nairobi and, second, that it finds itself on the doorstep of Habitat, the UN's agency for town's and cities, which is based on a campus of bucolic tranquillity not far away. Accordingly, Kibera gets no end of attention from outsiders, whether governments throwing money at it, NGO's engaged in mapping and studying it, or film stars shooting "The Constant Gardener" or "Slum Dog Millionaire". Ban Ki-Moon paid a visit within a month of becoming the UN's secretary-general.Most of what makes Kibera interesting, though, is what it shares with other African slums. The density (shacks packed so tightly that many are only accessible on foot); the dust (in the dry seasons) and the mud (when it rains); the squalor (you often have to pick your way through streams of black ooze); the hazards (low eaves of jagged corrugated iron); and the litter, especially the plastic (Kibera's women, lacking sanitation and fearing robbery or rape if they risk the unlit pathways to the latrines, resort at night to the "flying toilet", a polythene bag to be cast from their doorway, much as chamber pots were emptied into the streets below in pre-plumbing Edinburgh). Most striking of all, to those inured to the sight of such places through photography, is the smell. With piles of human faeces littering the ground and sewage running freely, the stench is ever-present.Not much, but it's homeStriking, too, though, is the apparent contentment with which the inhabitants accept their lot. It falls short of cheerfulness: tension is constant in Kibera, and small incidents can quickly turn nasty. But most people are busy getting on with life. Churches abound, and schools too. Children play in the dirt or on the railway tracks that bisect the slum. Stall-holders sell their goods. Men, ragged or smartly dressed in dark suits, clean their teeth wherever they can spit.Indoors, things can be more wretched. On the northern slope of the area known as Soweto East, Josephine Kadenyi lives in a shack three metres square (ten feet by ten feet). It consists of one room, with a curtain dividing it. It has no electricity and no sanitation. Outside is a vast heap of litter and plastic bags used by children as a lavatory. Just below that, 14 thing water pipes emerge from the ground, bound with sticky tape in a half-successful effort to stem the leaks. Sewage runs alongside. Mrs Kadenyi makes her living by selling uncontaminated water and looking after the disabled child of a neighbour.In NGO-speak, Kibera is an "informal" settlement. That means it does not officially exist. The government provides nothing. If there are schools or latrines or washrooms, they are privately run (it costs three shillings, about four American cents, to use the latrine). The government provides no schools, no basic services, no hospital, no clinics, no running water, no lavatories. It does, however, own nearly all the land, so if you want to put up a shack, you must go to the chief, a civil servant in the provincial government, and get his permission. For a consideration, perhaps 5 000 shillings (about $70), this can be obtained, but you receive no piece of paper, merely an oral consent.Most shacks are in fact owned by "landlords", some of them descended from Nubians rewarded by the British for their military service in the First World War with the right of abode in Kibera. They now jostle with others who have established, through custom, corruption or force, the right to put up a "unit". These are then rented out to tenants, who have no rights of any kind. The cost of erecting a shack is recouped within a year or two.Daniel arap Moi, who served as president of Kenya from 1978 to 2002, has long owned a house that abuts Kibera. Like almost all other ministers of his as well as the present government, he does his best to ignore the slum next door. Kenyan politicians seldom if ever visit it, or indeed the 200 or so smaller "informal settlements" in Nairobi, even though 60% of the capital's populations live in these slums. Several politicians are, however, reputed to be landlords, as are many civil servants and other local worthies.Why does the government bulldoze Kibera and rehouse everyone in multi-storey flats on the same site. Oh, that would be very complicated, the questioner is told. The difficulties abound, apparently, and they are not all financial. The real reason is that lots of people make lots of money from the slums, providing the services that the state does not provide and extracting the bribes that anyone living in an illegal city has to pay just to survive. Moreover, the slums provide the cheap labour that enables the city to operate. The status quo suits the authorities quite nicely.And what about the people who live in Kibera? Strangely, it suits them too, up to a point anyway. Asked whether she wouldn't prefer to go back to the village in western Kenya that she left six years ago, Mrs Kadenyi says, "Yes, of course. But what would I do back at home?" What indeed? Kenya's average rate of population growth for the past 30 years has been over 3% a year, putting enormous pressure on the land. With mouths to feed and no prospect of a job in the countryside, the rural poor head for the cities. There at least they have some hope of employment.Hope is all it is for most of them, at least in the formal economy. But hope is what keeps them in places like Kibera. It may be a dump, but it is central. This means that anyone lucky enough to have a job, either in offices of the city, or in the industrial area nearby, can walk to work. Those who have to peddle goods or search for casual labour are equally well placed. being able to avoid a time-consuming and expensive commute is a great benefit.Still, centrality does not have to mean squalor. In many cities the slums are on the outskirts, by the airport or somewhere out of sight. but the people of Kibera are suspicious of efforts to improve their housing. In the 1980s they saw some of their land taken for flats, 400 in all. No one in Kibera benefited, says Raphael Handa, a clergyman who heads a community committee set up with support from Habitat and the government; all the tenants were brought in from outside.Same story in MumbaiThe people of Kibera are increasingly organised, and increasingly determined to be involved in any plans to spruce up their slum. In this they are typical of their counterparts elsewhere. But in other respects, do Africa's new cities, slums and slum-dwellers resemble those in other continents? An ocean away, Mumbai offers plenty of parallels.Between 14 and 18 million people live in Mumbai, according to where you draw the city limits, maybe half of them in slums. That is about the same proportion as in Nairobi. But as you drive in from the airport or along P.D'Mello Road by the port, you quickly see that these slums are classy. Many of the shacks on the pavements are double-decked, and beds, chairs, goats and children spill on to the street, where head-carriers - porters with straight backs - wash themselves from buckets.The peninsula of modern Mumbai was, 350 years ago, seven islands, which have gradually been joined and expanded by landfills to make up 65 square kilometres of land shaped a bit like a chilli pepper. The city is hot in every sense but, more seriously, it is crowded, and room for expansion is limited. Until 60 years ago newcomers to Mumbai tended to settle just outside, at Dharavi, where no rules applied and so sheep could be slaughtered and hides tanned. over the years ever more people came and squatted, and the city, India's financial and commercial capital, expanded. Today about 600 000 people live in Dharavi's 210 hectares, which now lie in the heart of Mumbai. Dharavi's boast is that it is the biggest slum in Asia.In terms of urbanisation types, Kibera would be classed as immature, and Dharavi as consolidating.Slum improvement plans in Dharavi, Mumbai~Slum clearance (1996-present). 1956 slum clearance plan.~Slum improvement (1976-present). Upgrading slum housing in situ by providing piped water and sewage connections.~Sites and service provisions (1983-present). Setting out roads, sewers, water connections etc. before slums develop.~Prime Minister Grant Programme (1985-1993). Building of tenement blocks.~Slum redevelopment scheme (1991-present). Private investment brought in to redevelop slums.~Government NGO partnerships (2000-present). Squatter households living within 25m of railways tracks resettled and rehabilitated with co-operation of Railway Foundation. 

The strange allure of the slums

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