Question 1
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Prosocial behaviour is:
Question 2
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A man sexually assaulted Kitty Genovese in 1964. There were reportedly 38 witnesses in the 30-minute span in which it had occurred. Darley and Latané (1968) highlighted that all the witnesses involved would have been aware of others that were there to see it as well. What was this effect called?
Answer
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The bystander effect
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The witness effect
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The Latané effect
Question 3
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According to Darley and Latané (1968), were participants more or less likely to help when the participant was alone?
Question 4
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According to Darley and Latané (1968), were participants more or less likely to help when there were up to four others involved that required additional help?
Question 5
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Was there a significant difference when it came to sex differences in the Darley and Latané (1968) study?
Question 6
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Was there a significant difference when it came to whether or not a bystander was medically qualified in the Darley and Latané (1968) study?
Question 7
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Manning (et al., 2007) criticised the Darley and Latané (1968) study. How many witnesses were there at the scene?
Question 8
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According to Manning (et al., 2007) did witnesses call the police after the man's initial attack (Darley and Latané, 1968)?
Answer
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Yes, they did
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No, they did not
Question 9
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According to Manning (et al., 2007) did witnesses attempt to notify the police (Darley and Latané, 1968)?
Answer
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Yes, they did
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No, they did not
Question 10
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Did Dickerson (2012) find there to be erroneous reporting in the Kitty Genovese case?
Answer
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Yes, they have existed for decades now
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No, it was completely verified
Question 11
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What do the Dickerson (2012) findings imply?
Question 12
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Are the Dickerson (2012) findings largely within the realm of social psychology, or out of it?
Answer
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Largely within it
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Largely out of it
Question 13
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According to the Piliavin, Rodin, and Piliavin (1969) findings, did onlookers spontaneously help when a person collapsed on a train?
Answer
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Yes, 62/65 times (95.4%)
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No, 3/65 times (4.6%)
Question 14
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Did the proportion of people that helped a person who had collapsed spontaneously on a train differ significantly dependent on its cause?
Answer
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Yes, it did (eg, heart attack vs. alcoholism)
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No, it did not, people helped anyway
Question 15
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Can the bystander effect explain the results found by Piliavin, Rodin, and Piliavan (1969) for prosocial behaviour on a train for someone who has spontaneously collapsed?
Question 16
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In discussion of the role of attribution in prosocial behaviour, how successful was the request for notes when there was no internal attribution (eg, "Someone stole my notes at lunch break")?
Question 17
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In discussing the role of attribution in prosocial behaviour, what are the effects of being helped when a person appears inebriated (eg, drunk) or smells of alcohol?
Question 18
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Between the two groups, who is more likely to be helped by bystanders in terms of prosocial behaviour: welfare recipients or the poor?
Question 19
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When people decide to help another person, do they go through a list of internal cognitive processes?
Question 20
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Piliavin (et al., 1981) incorporated a model to explain prosocial behaviour. It has (a) physical or psychological arousal, (b) the attribution of the cause of arousal, and (c) a cost-benefit analysis - or diffusion of responsibility. What is the made of the model?
Answer
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The Arousal Cost-Reward Model
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The Cost Attribution Model
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The Prosocial Attribution Model
Question 21
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According to Piliavin (et al., 1981), participants perceive a situation to be more or less costly when others are involved?
Question 22
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In a Darley and Latané (1968) study, participants conducted an internal cost-benefit analysis of whether or not to report a seizure. What were the arousal levels of the non-reporting participants?
Question 23
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In a Darley and Latané (1968) study, participants conducted an internal cost-benefit analysis of whether or not to report a seizure. What happened to the non-responding participants?
Question 24
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In a Darley and Latané (1968) study, participants conducted an internal cost-benefit analysis of whether or not to report a seizure. What happened to the participants that were indecisive?
Question 25
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A criticism of prosocial behaviour explanations in terms of its focus is that:
Question 26
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Do prosocial behaviour explanations account for groups or the socially-constructed natures of prosocial behaviour?
Answer
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Yes, they do account for that
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No, they do not account for that in local interactional contexts (eg, arguments) or wider sociocultural contexts (eg, ideologies)
Question 27
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Participants' football team preferences were made salient in the Levine (et al., 2005) study. What happened when participants encountered a jogger that had hurt their ankle when running?
Question 28
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Participants' football team preferences were made salient in the Levine (et al., 2005) study. What happened when the jogger was dressed as a supporter of their own team?
Question 29
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Participants' football team preferences were made salient in the Levine (et al., 2005) study. What happened when the jogger was dressed as supporters of a different team to the participants?
Question 30
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Participants' football team preferences were made salient in the Levine (et al., 2005) study. What happened when the jogger was dressed without a football shirt on?
Answer
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They did help
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They didn't help (20%)
Question 31
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According to Levine (et al., 2005) what effect does the perception of common group perception and attitudes have on prosocial behaviour?
Question 32
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According to the Levine (et al., 2005) findings, do relevant group identities need to become more active or salient during specific times for prosocial behaviour to become more plausible?
Answer
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Yes, it does
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No, it does not
Question 33
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What did Saucier, Miller, and Doucet (2005) find in their 31-study review of the levels of prosocial behaviour between black and white students?
Question 34
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Do the findings by Saucier, Miller, and Doucet (2005) highlight both racism and ingroup-outgroup mentalities?
Answer
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Yes, they do
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No, they do not
Question 35
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According to the social constructionist perspective, are the descriptors of prosocial behaviour accurate? Furthermore, can they be used by anyone?
Answer
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Yes, they can comprise of all realities
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No, they are not direct representations of reality, only one of many
Question 36
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Does the overly individualistic focus on prosocial behaviour neglect localised interactional context in which attributions are made?
Answer
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Yes, they do
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No, they don't
Question 37
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According to Dickerson (2012), if the attributions through explanatory talk are being used to justify certain behaviours in a certain light, can they be treated as direct or straightforward representations?
Answer
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Yes, they can
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No, they cannot
Question 38
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Ichheiser (1943) argued that attributions are not simply single cognitive events because they must be considered in wider social contexts. According to Cherry (1995):
Answer
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Widespread abuse of women during the 1960s was largely ignored and the police were reticent to intervene
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There is too much conflicting evidence to suggest that there was a salient culture on domestic abuse during the 1960s
Question 39
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Ichheiser (1943) argued that attributions are not simply single cognitive events because they must be considered in wider social contexts. Can giving money to homeless people be constructed differently depending on where you are?
Answer
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No, because giving money to the homeless is universally seen as a good thing
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Yes, because not everyone everywhere sees homeless people in the same way - largely because of sociopolitical cultures
Question 40
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Ichheiser (1943) argued that attributions are not simply single cognitive events because they must be considered in wider social contexts. Were the "good samaritans" of the 1930s really prosocial?
Question 41
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Foucault mentioned that psychology researchers' constructions may be upholding particular ideologies. If we construct psychology as "neutral" or "value-free", could we be subtly reinforcing and legitimising oppressive attitudes (eg, racism, sexism)?
Answer
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Yes, we could be
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No, I do not think so
Question 42
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Burr (2006) noted how psychology constructs itself as "neutral" or "value-free". For example, it highlights variables, uses scientific jargon, is written in third-person, and does not reflect on social influences in its research. Does this construction distract from the researcher's own personal interests?
Answer
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Yes, because they don't believe them to be necessary
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No, because they are being objective
Question 43
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Did Darley and Latané (1968) omit a crucial item of information in the Kitty Genovese case, according to Cherry (1995), in which a man was attacking a woman?
Answer
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Yes, they did
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No, they did not
Question 44
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According to Cherry (1995) in regards to the Darley and Latané (1968) study on Kitty Genovese, was this a neutral thing to do?
Question 45
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Did Darley and Latané (1968) believe that they were contributing to research that now believes crowds facilitate antisocial behaviour?
Answer
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Yes, they did believe that
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No, they did not believe that
Question 46
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Burr (2006) suggested two ways that psychologists can use to avoid subtly reinforcing oppressive attitudes. One of them is:
Answer
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By not using qualitative methods with holistic understandings of meanings that the events hold in a number of contexts
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By using qualitative methods with holistic understandings of meaning that the events hold in a number of contexts (eg, where the research started)
Question 47
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Burr (2006) suggested two ways that psychologists can use to avoid subtly reinforcing oppressive attitudes. Another way is to:
Answer
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Not employ "constant reflexivity" where sociocultural assumptions and biases do not underlie research and could not be critiqued in the future
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Employ "constant reflexivity" where sociocultural assumptions and biases do underlie research and are open to critique in the future